The political configurations of constituent nations in the Asian continent have seen many significant changes over the last fifty years. The conclusion of the Second World War served as the precipitant event in transforming the erstwhile colonies in Asia into independent, sovereign nations. But, not all transformations have led to positive consequences. It would be simplistic to not look beyond official labels attached to governments in these nations. For example, classifying an Asian nation as a democracy or a dictatorship without taking into account the complex and often subtle political realities can lead to distorted perceptions. It is the objective of this essay to understand the real social, economic and demographic parameters that define a civil society and evaluate political transitions in Asia in this context.
Many analysts have pointed out that the salient features of a vibrant democracy are quite different from superficial symbols of a democratic setup as seen in many countries across Asia. For example, in countries such as Indonesia, Philippines, etc, which were colonies of European imperial powers until half a century back, the effects of the protracted period of imperialism are still evident in the way their institutions function. These post-colonial societies are at crossroads of history and have to overcome challenges in the realm of economics and politics if they are to emerge as competent players in the new world order. In order to make an objective assessment of political transitions in Asia, we need to adopt a broad historical approach to the subject. While wide-ranging references add to the merit of analysis, care has been taken not to indulge in standards of moral relativism when evaluating the state of democracy in this region.
To begin with, let us consider the case of East Timor and its turbulent road to independence. It is now accepted in hindsight that the Indonesian invasion of East Timor in 1975 was a blatant act of aggression, although it is a well documented fact that the western media did not strictly condemn the Indonesian atrocities in East Timor as and when it happened. By giving due consideration to facts and by applying universally accepted standard of human rights, it is obvious that the invasion of East Timor was perpetrated by an Indonesian leadership that is both authoritarian and ruthless (Fox, 2004). More than two decades later, with Megawati Sukarnoputri contending for political leadership of the country, the dark legacy of authoritarianism is still part of the fabric of the political establishment. This can be discerned from the fact that Megawati made no concessions to Timorese independence (not even local level autonomy) in the lead up to the elections. This goes to prove that democracy and the instrument of elections alone are not sufficient for imposing acceptable standards of freedom, equality and justice in a country, which goes to strengthen the thesis that superficial labels and nominal institutions does not imply a functioning democracy (Razack, 2006). This is true as much in Asia as anywhere else in the world.
Also, the catastrophe in East Timor cannot be divorced from the broader equations of power and dominance. While the close diplomatic relationship between the United States of America and Australia is well known, the role assumed by Indonesia as a subordinate agent of these two more powerful entities is not often mentioned in political scholarship. To elaborate further, for nearly forty years since 1965, the Australian government supported the atrocities carried out by General Suharto in neighbouring Indonesia. Jonathan Fox draws out this case of hypocrisy in an emphatic style thus,
“During the long years of Suharto’s dictatorship, which was shored up by western capital, governments and the World Bank, state terrorism on a breathtaking scale was ignored. Australian prime ministers were far too busy lauding the “investment partnership” in resource-rich Indonesia. Suharto’s annexation of East Timor, which cost the lives of a third of the population, was described by the foreign minister Gareth Evans as “irreversible”. As Evans succinctly put it, there were “zillions” of dollars to be made from the oil and gas reserves in the Timor Sea”. (Fox, 2004)
Another important aspect of post-independent history of this region is the blatant disregard for legislative power as well as the judiciary. As a result, several leaders have misappropriated their executive powers to impose emergency rule over the citizens and civil institutions, making the institution of democracy a total farce. While several justifications have been forwarded for the application of emergency powers, none has been accepted as valid by neutral observers of the international community. This infringement on legal and parliamentary authority had happened in almost all nations of the South East Asian bloc, including Indonesia and Philippines, which is ironical considering the fact that these two nations were supposed to be the more advanced in the region. The invoking of emergency powers by President Fidel Ramos in Philippines remains a classic case of abuse of power (Razack, 2006).
A disturbing trend witnessed in East Asian democracies is the smooth transformation of the old authoritarian elite into top leadership of political parties. This defeats the very purpose of intended progressive changes, as those individuals accustomed to exercising autocratic rule assume roles in democratic institutions. Author Mervyn Bendle cites the example of the KMT in Thailand, the leaders of which held undisputed power in the country’s days of dictatorship as well as in the new period of democracy. While political organization might have changed for the better, the regime has effectively been the same. The successful entry of authoritarian ruling class into democratic institutions is achieved, as in Thailand and Philippines, through patronage and intimidation of uninformed, illiterate and underprivileged masses. This is clearly evident from the re-emergence of autocrats from the Marcos era in the Philippines. So, political transitions in Asia need to be seen in their overall impact on civil society, as opposed to basing the assessment on token and illusory indicators of progress and prosperity (Bendle, 2005).
A deeper analysis of the Asian polity reveals several nexuses between political parties and business corporations. In almost all countries of the region, the influential business class interferes in democratic processes, thereby undermining the will of the electorate. Razack terms this phenomenon as “money politics”, where political manoeuvres that favour business interests can be bought with money. The disconnection between the military and electoral democracy is another major concern for people of the region. The South East Asian region had seen its share of military coups, which subvert the power of the citizens in determining political outcomes. The central financial institutions of the region wield too much power in shaping economic policies. Moreover, the central banks of Thailand and Korea basically act as agents of the IMF. The policy framework within which they work ensures that the international economic order is maintained, even at the cost of depriving its own citizens’ basic necessities of living (Razack, 2006).
Considering that China is predicted to be the next global superpower and at present the fastest growing economy, it requires a more detailed analysis. For the prospects and fortunes of China and its people will have ripple effects on other nations in the Asian continent. To gain a historical perspective on this key nation, we should go as far back as the communist revolution of the late 1940s, and the subsequent formation of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1949, since when many developments have taken place both within the party as well as for Chinese citizens. The CCP and its cadres “are changing in ways that make creative solutions to political governance problems feasible than a repeated violent reaction to social change, as in 1989” (Smith, 2003). While progress and reform is on the party agenda, its leadership still retains useful traditions and customs. A case in point is the utilization of nomenklatura system for selecting party leaders. Its critics will point to its shortcomings, including its inability to curb corruption within the party ranks. But the nomenklatura system was not devised to deter corruption. Also, the cadre responsibility system was meant to act as an analytical tool for zeroing in on the primary goals of the party and assessing the success of various policy initiatives; and it has proved equal to this stated objective (Dickson, 2006).
The political transitions in China over the last sixty years have not been without moments of indiscretion and impasse. When in September of 1949, the communist revolution was complete and the CCP ascended to power, the people of China were relieved and also hopeful; Relieved of closing a conflict-ridden chapter of their recent history and hopeful of a brighter future. It can safely be said that their hopes were fulfilled to a large extent. The CCP has to be credited for bringing about a degree of economic and political stability in the first decade of their reign. The subsequent years proved to be more challenging for the CCP leadership, which had to deal with famine caused by its Great Leap Forward program. From these early days, when the party and its members were still learning the ropes of governance it has now become a sophisticated and well coordinated political machine. The party building efforts in modern urban settlements (also called ‘shequ’) is an innovative move (Smith, 2003). Further,
“Such local experiments in limited political reform are creating a mixed regime based on one-party rule, Mandarin traditions, and intra-party elections, which will be democratic in its own terms even if not by Western standards…Chinese business classes are likely to play a role that their European counterparts did in the past by eventually promoting democratization”. (Smith, 2003)
While Mao Zedong was the father of the Communist China, his successor Deng Xiaoping must be credited for the nation’s progress toward prosperity. Under his leadership, the party ratified and implemented the “Four Modernizations” program that would propel China onto the global stage, where it is fast approaching the leadership position. This ambitious program of sweeping economic reforms opened China to the outside world. Also during Xiaoping’s leadership,
“Three million intellectuals, who had been beaten and tortured during the Cultural Revolution, returned to public life. Eager for answers as to why China had fallen so far behind the capitalist world, the new leaders encouraged a debate about the nature of Chinese civilization and about its differences from the West. Between 1986 and 1989, historians wrote nearly 700 monographs about the core beliefs and values of Chinese culture and about whether these constituted a blockage to socio-economic modernization”. (Dickson, 2006)
There have been unsavoury aspects to the China story as well, the two most glaring examples being the issue of Tibet and citizen censorship. The issue of regulating internet content is highly significant, given the exponential growth in Asia, for both commercial and informational purposes. The case of Chinese government’s control over Internet content in the country has attracted much criticism from human rights advocates. All internal communication of Chinese citizens are monitored and filtered for content that could be potentially subversive. This meant that those indigenous Tibetans who still reside in Tibetan Autonomous Region, cannot voice their opinions on this contentious issue. This suppression of free speech is particularly odd, given that the Internet has served as an instrument for promoting civil liberties and progressive causes in the rest of the world. Such repressive tendencies in Asia’s most promising nation is highly relevant to the topic of this essay, since it betrays the lack of correlation between economic prosperity and international recognition on the one hand and harsh internal social realities on the other (Dickson, 2006).
It is a sign of progress for China’s Asian neighbours, that it is through the same medium of communication that exiled Tibetans have organized their protests and demonstrations against the authoritarianism of the Communist Party in China. In the lead up to the Olympic Games in Beijing earlier this year, the Chinese authorities had a tough time dealing with the Tibetan protesters. The power of new digital technology to facilitate legitimate political dissent is something that needs to be preserved and encouraged. Irrespective of the fact that Tibet had traditionally been a feudal society ridden with oppression and brutality, neutral political commentators across the world agree that the Tibetan fight for liberation from China is not unreasonable. If a small group of exiled Tibetans can make such valid political statements, the inclusion of Tibetans still residing in the plateau in this process might have led to substantial political changes, which goes on to suggest that progressive political transitions in Asia will find greater expression if technological advancement is used constructively. From this Tibetan example, one can clearly see how a free Internet will help social justice and democracy in Asia and beyond (Goldsmith & Wu, 2006).
Hence, it can be asserted that the disturbing trends in Asian politics, namely, the re-emergence of authoritarianism and the impotency of the judiciary to ensure a fair and just country for its citizens, warrants urgent attention. As Asia looks forward to a progressive future, the technologies of mass communication will play an important role. At this point in time, it is the Internet, with its various forms of information dispersal. But, as this medium becomes more common place, the wielders of power will attempt to put restrictions on its use. Empirical evidence shows that the Internet can be successfully controlled. A case in point is the drastic concessions that Yahoo Inc. was compelled to make to facilitate enforcement of local laws. If local laws are not enforced through the Internet, the service providers may be forced to adopt the most stringent among them in an effort to breach none. But, this is only hypothetical and it is equally likely that the most liberal (the least restrictive) among the set of national laws would be chosen. In fact, during the last few years of the twentieth century, when the Internet was growing and consolidating, it was at its most liberal and least regulated (Milton Mueller, 2007). This period saw the rise of several progressive movements for social change, predominantly in the continents of Latin America and Asia, which availed of the Internet’s potential to organize people at the grassroots and promulgate their cause. A classic example is the success of World Social Forum (WSF), an annual event organized by nations in the global south to discuss political reform and social progress. The Internet has had an important role in bringing these scattered communities across the Third World together. For most Asian countries, the WSF is more important than the World Economic Forum (WEF). While unregulated Internet has the potential to undermine governmental authority, they do provide other beneficial opportunities (Milton Mueller, 2007).
Many economists see Asian countries to drive economic activity in about twenty years’ time. Consistent with its growing stature in the world, its leaders are bent on improving the region’s image within the international community. Human rights and freedom of expression are two areas that must be high on the agenda and the signs so far have been positive. The very fact that the rest of the world chose Beijing to host the next Olympic Games should be seen as a statement of faith on China in particular and Asia more broadly. Its young leaders should make the most of the goodwill generated and continue on the path of progress and prosperity. They should also keep in mind all the essential elements that comprise a civil society and work toward attaining them. But, one major barrier to the progress of civil societies in Asia has been the growth of terrorism in the region. The first few years of the new millennium has come to be defined by the rise of terrorism in Asian nations that have a significant Islamic presence. This escalation is attributable to two primary causes. The first is the hegemonic foreign policy initiatives of the United States of America, tacitly supported by its strong allies that include Britain and Australia. The second is the radicalization of Islamist ideology, which has given shape to the concept of ‘holy jihad’ and ‘noble martyrdom’, making it easy to find willing participants in terror operations (Schmidt, 2004).
In conclusion, none of the Asian countries can truly claim to have progressed, until a comprehensive mechanism of dealing with terrorism is put in place. It is in this context that the issue of terrorism has been discussed in the General Assembly sessions for more than two decades, with a particular focus on terrorist hotbeds in Asia. As part of drawing up the new framework of addressing terrorism, the United Nations had organized a series of international conventions to tackle specific challenges posed by terrorist activities. Constituent nations of the UN from Asia have utilized this global forum to coordinate and cooperate in their efforts to mitigate terrorist activities. And one of the ways in which this end is achieved is through the formation of a common legal code. The United Nations’ Security Council has provided a suitable platform for devising strategies to counter terror. A significant development of the Security Council sessions has been the passing of numerous counter-terror resolutions and the establishment of potent subsidiary bodies (Schmidt, 2004). Yet, in spite of such unanimous consensus among Asian leaders to control terrorism, the region today remains as dangerous as ever. There were no attacks of the magnitude of the September 11 strikes in the last few years, but western interests anywhere in the world are not safe. This is made clear by the Bali bombings as well as the most recent massacre in Mumbai, India, where many citizens belonging to the United States of America and its allies in the War on Terror lost their lives (Schmidt, 2004).
References:
Jonathan Fox, ‘Is Ethnoreligious Conflict a Contagious Disease?’, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, Vol. 27, 2004, pp. 89-106.
Smith, S. (2003, December)., Coming to Terms with the Past: Asia., History Today, 53, 43+.
Dickson, B. J. (2006)., The Chinese Communist Party in Reform. Pacific Affairs, 79(4), 672+.,
Razack, Sherene, 2006, Civil Society and Its Enemies; The Australian Journal of Politics and History, Vol. 52, 11+
Charle, Suzanne., “Losing Friends in Indonesia: Even Moderates Who Have Denounced…”, The Nation, December 29, 2003, 19.
Bendle, Mervyn F., 2005, Geopolitics, Culture Clash and Gender; Social Justice, Vol. 32, 115+
Jack Goldsmith & Timothy Wu, 2006, Who Controls the Internet?: Illusions of a Borderless World.
Milton Mueller, 2007, The New Cyber-Conservatism: Goldsmith/Wu and the Premature Triumphalism of the Territorial Nation-State.
Chalk, Peter., “The Response to Terrorism as a Threat to Liberal Democracy in Asia.”The Australian Journal of Politics and History 44, no. 3 (1998): 373.
Alex P. Schmidt, ‘Frameworks for Conceptualising Terrorism (focus on Asia)’, Terrorism and Political Violence, Vol. 16, No. 2, 2004, pp. 197-221.