Firstly, comparison between the erstwhile Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China is not relevant to our discussion, for the styles of governance adopted by these two political entities were quite different. The CCP and its cadres “are changing in ways that make creative solutions to political governance problems feasible than a repeated violent reaction to social change, as in 1989” (Smith, 2003). While progress and reform is on the party agenda, its leadership still retains useful traditions and customs. A case in point is the utilization of nomenklatura system for selecting party leaders. Its critics will point to its shortcomings, including its inability to curb corruption within the party ranks. But the nomenklatura system was not devised to deter corruption. Also, the cadre responsibility system was meant to act as an analytical tool for zeroing in on the primary goals of the party and assessing the success of various policy initiatives; and it has proved equal to this stated objective.
The history of China over the last sixty years has not been without moments of indiscretion and impasse. When in September of 1949, the communist revolution was complete and the CCP ascended to power, the people of China were relieved and also hopeful; Relieved of closing a conflict-ridden chapter of their recent history and hopeful of a brighter future. It can safely be said that their hopes were fulfilled to a large extent. The CCP has to be credited for bringing about a degree of economic and political stability in the first decade of their reign. The subsequent years will prove to be more challenging for the CCP leadership, which had to deal with famine caused by its Great Leap Forward program. From these early days, when the party and its members were still learning the ropes of governance it has now become a sophisticated and well coordinated political machine. The party building efforts in modern urban settlements (also called ‘shequ’) is an innovative move. Further,
“Such local experiments in limited political reform are creating a mixed regime based on one-party rule, Mandarin traditions, and intra-party elections, which will be democratic in its own terms even if not by Western standards…Chinese business classes are likely to play a role that their European counterparts did in the past by eventually promoting democratization”. (Smith, 2003)
These days the party endeavours to rope in members from all sections of the social strata. An institution that was restricted to an elite section of the Chinese social arrangement is now opening up to members from all sections of the socio-economic ladder. A prime example of this changing mindset is evident from the success of the Executive Leadership Academy institute run by the party. This academy was conceived to serve as a training ground for high ranking officials and its rolls represent most minority groups (ethnic or religious).
While Mao Zedong was the father of the Communist China, his successor Deng Xiaoping must be credited for the nation’s progress toward prosperity. Under his leadership, the party ratified and implemented the “Four Modernizations” program that would propel China onto the global stage, where it is fast approaching the leadership position. This ambitious program of sweeping economic reforms opened China to the outside world. Also during Xiaoping’s leadership,
“Three million intellectuals, who had been beaten and tortured during the Cultural Revolution, returned to public life. Eager for answers as to why China had fallen so far behind the capitalist world, the new leaders encouraged a debate about the nature of Chinese civilization and about its differences from the West. Between 1986 and 1989, historians wrote nearly 700 monographs about the core beliefs and values of Chinese culture and about whether these constituted a blockage to socio-economic modernization”. (Hilton, 2006)
Another group of writers and film makers induced political angles to their narratives and tried to address questions of Chinese identity and its role in the modern world. Such artists were actually encouraged by the CCP, quite contrary to the Western media portrayal of a heavily censored Chinese society.
Of course, the CCP leadership can still improve in certain areas. While it allowed free artistic expression, it had shown intolerance toward public debate and demonstration on issues of grave concern. A chief example of the party’s failings was its suppression of the student demonstrations in the now infamous Tiananmen Square in 1989. Earlier, in 1981, the party Central Committee adopted a lengthy ‘Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party’ since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China, which was an earnest attempt at introspection, something that even many democratic governments fail to do. This is a true reflection of an increasingly forward looking leadership that had evolved expediently according to the demands of the wider society. The new breed of leaders also seems to have learned from the excesses committed during the suppression of the ‘cultural revolution’ and its aftermath. They acknowledge that the 1981 Resolution
“underwrote a shift of authority within the CCP from a single leader to a collective leadership and set stringent limits on what professional historians could write about the Communist period. Bodies such as the Central Party History Research Office, the Central Documentary Research Office and the Central Party School determine the official line on any historical question; and if they wish their work to be published, professional historians must abide by these correct formulations.” (Dickson, 2006)
Many economists project China to be the economic superpower of the world in about twenty years’ time. Consistent with its growing stature are a world leader, its leadership is bent on improving its image within the international community. Human rights and freedom of expression are two areas that must be high on the party agenda, if it is to rectify the damage done to its reputation internationally. But the signs so far have been positive. The very fact that the rest of the world chose Beijing to host the next Olympic Games should be seen as a statement of faith on China. Its young leaders should make the most of the goodwill generated and continue on the path of progress and prosperity.
References:
Chinese Communist Party, (2006, November 1). Daily Post (Liverpool, England), p. 20.
Dickson, B. J. (2006)., The Chinese Communist Party in Reform. Pacific Affairs, 79(4), 672+.,
Hilton, I. (2006, February 20). Karl, China Needs You: Just When It Seemed It Was All over for Marx, the Chinese Communist Party Has Had a Spectacular Change of Heart, Writes Isabel Hilton., New Statesman, 135, 28+.
Smith, S. (2003, December)., Coming to Terms with the Past: China., History Today, 53, 43+.